Flow of Ideas: articles - B Generation |
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A Capital Friendly Culture for Further Education Academy Chains After the Hillcole Group Against What We Are Worth Ambassadors of Capital in Schools An Educational Mansion House for Business Apprenticeship and the Use-value Aspect of Labour Power Artistic Outlook Ayers Rocked In His Own Universe B Generation Bourdieu on Capital Bourdieu on Cultural Capital Bourdieu on Social Capital Brown PFI Monster Business Sponsorship of Schools Business Takeover of Further Education Cambridge University Occupation Caught in the Storm of Capital Co-payment in Hospitals and Schools Cold Hands and Quarter Moon Communitarianism for Schools Compulsory Consumption and Uni-Nanny Conforming Schools Conforming Kids Copy/South Dossier Creating Monsters Creeping Privatisation in Higher Education Critical Mass Critical Pedagogy and Capitalism Critical Space in Education Delivering E-Learning Digital Rights Management Distillation Dorothy L. Sayers Douglas Kennedy: best-selling novelist E-learning for Free at the BBC Edison Schools in the UK Education and Inspections Bill (2006) Education As Culture Machine Education Fireworks Education for Debt Education Incorporated Education Markets and Missing Products Education Repetition Education the HSBC Way Education White Paper Education, Globalisation and the Learning Society Employers and School Leavers Evaluating Different Teaching Methods Everything Louder Than Everything Else Finance and Fear Five Endings of Desires Foibles, Frolics and Phantasms Freedom Freewill French New Wave Cinema Full Report Ruth Rikowski's Book Launch for Globalisation, Information and Libraries Gender and Spokesperson in Group Work Issues Global Trading Globalisation and Education Revisited Habituation of the Nation Higher Education and Confused Employer Syndrome Hitchcock: classic auteur Human capital, the knowledge economy and business In Retro Glide In the Dentist's Chair Kids in the Land of No Dreams KM Critique Lazy Brit Kids Learning in the Earthworks of Capital Learning Investments Learning to the Max Librarianship and Human Rights Lifelong Learning and the Political Economy of Containment LSBU Strategy Marketisation of the Schools System in England Marx and Education Revisited Marx and the Future of the Human Marxism and Education Revisited Marxist Educational Theory Unplugged Maturity and Freedom McDonaldization and Education Michael Jackson Michele Roberts Miss Allison and Novel Writing Moneythought in Higher Education Mrs Thatcher and Holes in the Kitchen Floor Multiculturalism and Faith Schools My Tony Blair New Ideas in Ruth Rikowski's Book - Part 1 New Ideas in Ruth Rikowski's Book - Part 2 New Labour Policy for Schools Nietzsche's School Nihilism and Educational Values No Learner Left Unhassled Notes on the Confessions of John Denham On Education for Its Own Sake On Education Studies On the Capitalisation of Schools in England On Transhumanism and Education Open Access Outsourcing Public Services Peter Wilby on School Privatisation Planet of the Capitorg Plato Playgound Risks and Handcuffed Kids Poems by Gregory Rikowski Poems by Victor Rikowski Post-Fordism and Schools Post-Fordism in Primary Schools Postmodern Dereliction in the Face of Neoliberal Education Policy PowerPointlessness in Higher Education Private Schools as Charities Privatisation of Schools in England Privatisation of Student Debt Races in the Imperial War Readings for Teaching Course Recruitment and Labour Power Revealed Recruitment Criteria through the Use-value Aspect of Labour-power Robotic Ethics Ruth Rikowski Updates (Archives) Ruth Rikowski Updates (Archives) School Fees and the 1944 Education Act Schools: Building for Business Science Fiction Films and Horror Second Time as Farce Snowballs and Risk in Schools Social Contract Theory and Political Obligations Socialism is not Dead Speed of Life - Part One Speed of Life - Part Two Stroppy Individuals and Oppositional Cultures in Schools Sustainability Policy at London South Bank University Ten Points on Marx, Class and Education The Business of Becoming a Business for Academies The Capitalisation of Schools - Federations and Academies The CBI and the Business Takeover of Schools The Commodification of Education The Education White Paper and the Marketisation of Schools The Evolution of Federations of Schools The Last Parents Evening The New Japanisation of Schools The Profit Virus - The Business Takeover of Schools The Standards Language-game for Schools in England The Which Blair Project Three Types of Apprenticeship - Three Forms of Mastery Tony and Caroline Benn Tony Benn: Letters to Grandchildren Transport Turney's and PPU Uninspiring Towers Universe of Capital and My Space Universities in a Neoliberal World Utopia and Education What Can Nietzsche Teach Ya When Bullies Roam the School When the Bowers Break Why Employers Can't Ever Get What They Want Will Hutton and His E-Foss Wolf on Marx Without Sparks Women in World Wars
| THE B GENERATIONSome people talk about Generation X and others bemoan Generation Why? In recent articles in New Statesman, DEMOS think-tanker Tom Bentley claims to be able to divine what the cool dudes of generationNEXT really, really think about the issues of our time. I am a member of the B Generation: the Bastard Generation, the ‘baby boomers’ born in the generation following the Second World War. In the sphere of British education and training policy the B Generation calls the shots. Blair, Blunkett, Baroness Blackstone, Byers and Brown – all major players in education and training policy, and ‘Bs’ – all of them: the B Generation. Of course, there’s Schools Minister Estelle Morris that doesn’t fit the stereotype, but she does come from Birmingham (don’t push it!). It is quite despicable what B Generation politicians have done to those students now in compulsory education and in further (FE) and higher education (HE). For now, let’s focus on Higher education (HE). The B Generation Ministers listed above benefited, like I did, from a fee-free HE. There was no formal loan system; we got grants instead (with the ‘parental contribution’ to the grant dependent on income). In most areas of the country up to the mid-1970s we could get jobs in vacations to supplement our grants. But if we couldn’t get, or didn’t want, vacation employment we could claim social security payments and housing benefits. We even figured in the unemployment statistics! It sounds like another world. The Conservative administrations of 1979-97 started the process of toughening up students for a money-centred version of educational reality. The value of the grant was set on a downward course, welfare benefits were systematically withdrawn, and students were encouraged to take out loans in a softening-up process for the New Labour bombshell in 1997: abolition of student grants and the institution of fees. New Labour’s B Generation had learnt well from its Tory mentors, and from the spirits of gurus such as Sir Keith Joseph. To establish credible policy continuity, programmes of key skills, more work experience and closer and deeper ties between industry and HE were advanced as economic necessities. Lord Dearing’s penchant for undergraduate work experience was one of the most bizarre policy obsessions of the late-1990s. After all, many students had to work to keep their student role intact. The student-worker, full-time students with ‘part-time’ jobs in term-time, is now the norm. Media stories of students turning to prostitution and drug-dealing became common in the closing years of the last century. Speculation about the effects of term-time working on course grades, exam scores and degree class surfaced in the education press, but research into these issues was not a major priority. Studies by the National Union of Students partially filled a gap that the Economic & Social Research Council should have filled more substantially prior to New Labour’s student funding regime starting up. For students, the real challenge is to minimise debt. This carries its own forms of stress and fear additional to the traditional nerves involved in pitching for a Geoff Hurst (a first class degree) or facing the prospects of a ‘turd’ (a third). A Scottish Low Pay Unit study of 1997 showed that increased student poverty was accompanied by escalating depression that sometimes resulted in the abandonment of studies – and this before New Labour’s HE student finance policies kicked in. In 1998, a National Union of Students’ Student Hardship Survey indicated that average student debt would be £9,000 at the point of graduation. Money, debt and ‘higher learning’ are increasingly generating symbiotic relations that have altered the parameters of the contemporary HE experience. Today’s students are different, mainly because HE and associated welfare policies delivered by B Generation Ministers have fundamentally altered the learning and financial landscapes within which HE students have been forced to exist. In all this New Labour speaks with forked tongue. New Labour Ministers claim to be champions of ‘widening participation’ and combating social exclusion by encouraging working class people, inner city folks, mature students and under-represented ethnic minority groups into HE. But the HE participation rates of some of these groups have been affected significantly by New Labour’s student finance regime. Unsurprisingly, as dropout rates rose in the late-1990s the ‘student retention problem’ became the focus of high-level conferences for the upper echelons of HE management. New Labour’s B Generation Ministers are also enthusiastic about opening up HE (and all sectors of education) more widely and more deeply to corporate capital. Two World Trade Organisation (WTO) reports of 1998 berated WTO members for their slothfulness in paving the way for the ‘businessification’ of education. Negotiators at a WTO meeting in Geneva a few weeks ago reached an agreement for opening up services (including education) to global capital. Struggles against the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS), the WTO’s formal mechanism for nurturing the systematic transference of educational institutions into the hands of capitalist enterprise, are only just beginning. For ‘education, education, education’, read ‘business, business, business’ – New Labour’s education policy as driven by GATS imperatives. The vision is that not only will student lives be conditioned my money, but that they will study within a capitalised environment where the virus of the private sector e-versity, the online learning machine, stalks the learning terrain, thus making the poverty of student life an aspect of capitalist development. Although I am technically part of the B Generation I repudiate its ruling passions, along with growing numbers of the B Generation involved in anti-capitalist organisations, radical environmentalist groups and the Socialist Alliances. There is a certain unfairness and inaccuracy in the B Generation label, I admit. Nevertheless, all members of the B Generation must take a modicum of responsibility for what has happened. For “Yes, we have let this happen – us, who had the magic of the ‘60s, and a youth before the end of the post-war boom”. The trend of making life tough for students must be reversed. Today, politicians and business leaders in leading capitalist nations and economic blocs call for education to develop higher levels of employability skills and worker subservience to the tyranny of work. The process appears to have no terminus. Furthermore, it seems that British capitalism cannot provide a decent HE experience for all those that want it, a perspective that ultimately challenges the utility and desirability of capitalist society. There is always the option of retreating to an elitist position where we finance HE for 10-15% of the population, thus concentrating resources. Preferably, we could increase income tax rates to pay for a better HE student life (and for other public services). But the poverty of student life cannot be eradicated so easily when forces and pressures are building up – through the WTO’s GATS globally, supported by neoliberal New Labour Ministers nationally – to capitalise the whole of social existence. Thus, the struggle against the poverty of student life is an aspect of the struggle for a society not dominated by the law of money and the social force of capital. I am in the B Generation but out of synch with its national leaders’ visions and motivations, and the forms of economic and social development they are sponsoring. The struggle for a mass, desirable and worthwhile HE experience is at root a simultaneous struggle for a form of society where human need and the planet’s sustainability are at the core of social and economic development. The B Generation must not just change its political leaders (perhaps even dissolving “leadership” altogether) but the direction of its march, thereby changing its identity. This implies an anti-capitalist programme of resistance and transformation by and for all generations, for all peoples, on a global scale. The May Day Monopoly events can become one of many sparks igniting a fantastic fire that over time burns through the currently constituted limits of capitalist social life, providing pathways into a future with a future: socialism. Glenn Rikowski 1st May 2001, London: written for and distributed at the May Day Monopoly events in central London © Copyright, June 2005 Print Friendly - Print Friendly with links |
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